THE INCLUSION OF WOMEN IN NIGERIAN POLITICS: A SURE PATH TO A BETTER NIGERIA
Women’s political participation is a cardinal prerequisite for gender equality and genuine democracy in any country. It facilitates women’s direct engagement in public decision-making and ensures better accountability for women.[1] Women’s political participation needs to be advanced to ensure that decision-making processes are participatory, responsive, equitable, and inclusive. According to international standards, men and women have equal rights and opportunities in everything, especially to participate fully in all aspects and levels of political processes. That is why women have been encouraged and mobilised to participate in politics over the years, a move that has increased their participation in politics. However, it is quite unfortunate that Nigerian women constitute about 50% of the country’s population but are still under-represented in elective and appointive positions.[2]
Since the Fourth Republic began in 1999, women’s representation in politics has not exceeded 6%.[3] 1999 recorded the lowest representation of women holding political seats with 2.5%. The highest percentage of women in political offices was achieved in 2011 and 2019, with 6%, respectively.[4] The results of the recent 2023 elections further exposed Nigeria’s ongoing failure to increase women’s participation in politics. Of the 92 women who contested for the House of Senate in the February 2023 elections, only three won, while out of the 286 who contested for seats in the House of Representatives, only 15 emerged winners.[5] It is no surprise that Nigeria currently ranks 130th out of 146 countries with the largest gender gap, with a score of 0.637 or 63.7%, according to the global gender gap report.[6] Ranking factors include political empowerment, educational attainment, health and survival, and economic engagement and opportunity.
More than two decades have passed since Nigeria’s return to democratic governance, yet the country continues to fall short in ensuring women’s inclusion in political leadership. Despite numerous efforts, women’s representation remains alarmingly low, reflecting a persistent gap in gender equality in politics. The under-representation of women in Nigerian politics is deeply rooted in the patriarchal structures embedded in society, many of which have persisted since the pre-colonial era. Achieving gender parity in governance requires political accountability to women, starting with a significant increase in the number of women in decision-making roles. However, this is only the beginning. To truly close the gap, comprehensive governance reforms are needed to ensure that all elected officials actively promote gender equality through public policy and its effective implementation. Unfortunately, this goal appears elusive for Nigeria, as evidenced by the rejection of key gender equality constitutional amendment bills by the National Assembly on 1 March 2022.[7] These bills included:
- A Bill to create additional seats for women to increase women’s representation in the Senate and House of Representatives.
- A Bill to enable Nigerian women to transfer citizenship to foreign husbands. A right that every Nigerian man married to a foreign spouse enjoys.
- A Bill to ensure affirmative action of at least 35% in political party administration and appointive positions across federal and state levels.
- A Bill to ensure a minimum of 20% of ministerial or commissioner nominees are women.
- A Bill to allow a woman to become an indigene of her husband’s state after five years of marriage.
It should be noted that the bills sought to broadly expand women’s rights and increase their inclusion in society, governance, political party administration, and political appointments. However, it is evident that the male-dominated National Assembly, which features extremely low female representation, is resistant to changing the status quo.
The rejection of these five gender equality bills highlights the urgent need to confront the systemic ills and oppression that Nigeria’s patriarchal society imposes on women. It underscores the pressing need for a comprehensive overhaul of our democratic system, which remains deeply entrenched in bias. This rejection not only exposes the severe marginalisation women face but also tarnishes the credibility of Nigeria’s democracy, revealing its failure to ensure inclusive representation and equal rights for all.
The marginalisation of women in Nigeria’s political landscape is further evident in the composition of the current 10th National Assembly. Following the 2023 elections, women hold only three of the 109 Senate seats and 17 of the 360 seats in the House of Representatives, accounting for just 4.2% of the entire 469-member legislature.[8] This marks a decline from the 9th National Assembly, where eight women served in the Senate, and 13 women were in the House of Representatives,[9] underscoring the worsening gender disparity in political leadership.
While the 10th National Assembly has kickstarted the constitutional amendment process with about 40 bills being considered,[10] it would not be surprising if none of the previously rejected gender equality bills are reconsidered. The exclusion of the gender equality bills in Nigeria’s ongoing constitutional review process would be a missed opportunity to address a critical issue of national importance. Reconsidering these bills is a matter of fairness and justice and a strategic imperative for Nigeria’s progress as a democratic nation.
The limited participation of women in Nigerian politics constitutes a clear form of discrimination against women, undermining their constitutional rights and international commitments. Section 42 of the 1999 Constitution (as amended) prohibits discrimination based on sex, ensuring that no citizen should face disadvantages or restrictions due to their gender. The persistent under-representation of women in Nigerian politics—evident in the minimal number of women holding political office—directly contravenes this constitutional guarantee. The systemic barriers that limit women’s political participation effectively deny them equal opportunity and representation, which is a fundamental right enshrined in the Constitution.
Nigeria has also failed to uphold its commitments under the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights,[11] which was ratified and domesticated in line with section 12 of the Constitution. The Charter explicitly prohibits discrimination based on sex, as outlined in Article 2, which guarantees that every individual is entitled to the rights and freedoms recognised in the Charter without any form of discrimination. Article 3 reinforces the principle of equality before the law and equal protection for all. Additionally, Article 13 provides that every citizen has the right to participate freely in government, either directly or through chosen representatives, and affirms equal access to public services and property. These provisions highlight the need for Nigeria to address gender disparities in political representation and uphold the principles of equality and non-discrimination.
The 2023 elections have come and gone, yet the necessity of increased women’s participation in politics and governance remains as urgent as ever. With the prevalence of Female Genital Mutilation (FGM), which has risen to 19.2% in 2018,[12] and child marriage, where 59% of young girls marry before 18 years between 2014 and 2020,[13] the need for more women’s inclusion in political decision-making is critical.
Notably, Nigeria has yet to have a female President, Vice President, or Governor throughout its history. The highest elective position held by a woman in the country has been that of Deputy Governor. Dame Virginia Etiaba is the only woman as an exception. She served as Deputy Governor of Anambra State and briefly assumed the role of Governor when Peter Obi was impeached. However, her time as Governor was limited to three months due to Obi’s subsequent reinstatement by the courts. This situation reflects the ongoing challenges women face in attaining top political positions in Nigeria.[14]
Nigeria still has a long way to go with including women in governance and political activities. Some of the challenges include:
- Cultural and Social Norms: In Nigeria, women often face discouragement from participating in public life from a young age due to cultural expectations that define a virtuous woman as quiet and subservient, expected to be seen but not heard. The patriarchal nature of Nigerian society perpetuates traditional views that see women as inferior to men, relegating them to roles primarily as child-bearers and caregivers. These cultural norms are reinforced by societal attitudes and practices, which limit women’s involvement in political activities and governance. For example, in Northern Nigeria, cultural practices such as the purdah system restrict women’s participation in politics, including voting and campaigning. Similarly, traditional and religious perspectives often assign women a supporting or advisory role in political leadership, rather than an active leadership role. These social norms and practices contribute to the ongoing challenges women face in attaining political positions and influence.
- Discrimination within Political Parties: In Nigeria, political parties play a crucial role in helping politicians achieve their ambitions. Many of these parties originated as male-dominated clubs and informal gatherings, which excluded women from the formative stages of party development. As a result, women are often sidelined when it comes to early membership benefits and influence.[15] Furthermore, Nigerian political parties frequently marginalise female aspirants through practices rooted in male-centric interpretations of culture and religion. Techniques such as the “step-down” and “zone-out” methods disproportionately affect women. The “step-down” technique involves asking a female candidate, who has successfully navigated party nominations, to withdraw in favour of a more “suitable” male candidate. The “zone-out” technique is where a political party simply zones out the seat of a female aspirant to a constituency, she is not considered an indigene.[16] These practices contribute to the continued underrepresentation of women in Nigerian politics.
- The Negative Perception of Politics: Daily news coverage often highlights the dishonesty and corruption prevalent in politics, contributing to the perception that it is a “dirty” field reserved for individuals of questionable integrity who disregard the rule of law and due process. Consequently, women involved in politics are frequently viewed as either morally compromised or as contributors to the existing problems within the political system. This negative image leads some women to take the back seat and shy away from political participation to avoid the stigma associated with the field.[17]
- Low Levels of Literacy: The low rate of female education significantly impacts women’s participation in politics. According to Statista, the literacy rate among women in 2018 was just 29% in the North West, 31.8% in the North East, and 49.6% in the North Central.[18] This disparity, particularly prevalent in northern Nigeria, contributes to the limited qualification of women for political offices in these regions. The lack of educational opportunities restricts women’s ability to compete effectively in the political arena.
These challenges are indeed formidable, but there is hope for women in Nigeria, as evidenced by successful female political leaders worldwide. Angela Merkel, for example, was the first woman elected as Chancellor of Germany and served for 16 years, making her the third-longest-serving Chancellor in the country’s history. Kamala Harris is currently the first female Vice President of the United States and is running for the presidency. Jacinda Ardern, New Zealand’s youngest Prime Minister, implemented effective policies that significantly curbed the spread of COVID-19 in her country.[19] Ellen Johnson Sirleaf became the first female president of an African country, leading Liberia through a period of reconciliation after a prolonged civil war.[20] Sheikh Hasina Wazed, the longest-serving Prime Minister of Bangladesh, notably welcomed Rohingya refugees fleeing violence in Myanmar.[21] These examples illustrate that women can drive substantial progress and bring about transformative change in governance.
The Nigerian government has an important role to play in eliminating retrogressive practices that hinder women’s participation in politics. This can be achieved by implementing effective mechanisms, such as providing funding for women candidates, reserving certain elective positions exclusively for women, and creating a safer political environment. It is also essential to combat the negative stereotypes associated with political involvement, which often link politics to criminal activities and violence. Promoting transparency and inclusivity can help change these perceptions.
Political parties and civil society organisations should actively promote women’s participation by conducting sensitisation and public awareness campaigns. Additionally, efforts should be made to discourage narratives that portray women running for political office as defying cultural norms. The perception of women in politics as irresponsible or promiscuous needs to be challenged, and steps should be taken to ensure political meetings are scheduled at reasonable times and are free from sexual harassment.[22] Women should be recognised as equal partners in politics, deserving of the same respect and opportunities as their male counterparts.
Including women in governance holds the potential to significantly enhance the quality of life in Nigeria. Women in leadership positions are likely to address and reform harmful customary laws often overlooked by their male counterparts. They are also more likely to champion causes and advocate for ideas that might otherwise be dismissed, and to actively work towards the inclusion of marginalised groups who are often sidelined in national affairs. By diversifying our leadership and ensuring women are represented at all levels of governance, we can foster a more equitable, responsive, and progressive Nigerian society.
Olubanke Favour is a law graduate from the University of Lagos. She is enthusiastic about environmental law, finance and women’s affairs. She enjoys reading, writing and films.
[1] United Nations Women (Asia and The Pacific), “ Political Participation of Women” available at: https://asiapacific.unwomen.org/en/focus-areas/governance/political-participation-of-women (accessed 12 May 2024).
[2] Oloyede Oluyemi, “Monitoring participation of women in politics in Nigeria.” (2016) National Bureau of Statistics.
[3] Khadijat Kareem, “#ChartoftheDay: Women Representation in Politics Since Start of 4th Republic” (Dataphyte, 8 March, 2022), available at: https://www.dataphyte.com/chart-of-the-day/chartoftheday-women-representation-in-politics-since-the-start-of-the-4th-republic/ (accessed 12 May 2024).
[4] Ibid.
[5] Chiamaka Okafor and Mariam Ileyemi, “IWD 2023: Nigeria falling in women’s political participation” Premium Times,
available at: https://www.premiumtimesng.com/gender/587049-iwd-2023-nigeria-falling-in-womens-political-participation.html?tztc=1 (accessed 12 May 2024).
[6] Khadijat Kareem, “Nigeria’s gender parity, worsened by the COVID-19 pandemic” (Dataphyte, July 7, 2023) available at: https://www.dataphyte.com/latest-reports/nigerias-gender-parity-worsened-by-the-covid-19-pandemic/ (accessed 12 May 2024).
[7] The Cable, “Gender bills rejected, independent candidacy greenlit… how n’assembly voted on constitution amendments” available at: https://www.thecable.ng/gender-bills-rejected-independent-candidacy-greenlit-how-nassembly-voted-on-constitution-amendments/ (accessed 12 May 2024).
[8] Policy and Legal Advocacy Centre, “Worrying Numbers for Women in 10th NASS” available at: https://placng.org/Legist/worrying-numbers-for-women-in-10th-nass/ (accessed 12 May 2024).
[9] Inter-Parliamentary Union Parline, Global Data on National Parliaments, “Nigeria” available at: https://data.ipu.org/parliament/NG/NG-LC01/ (accessed 14 May 2024).
[10] Dirisu Yakubu, “Reps receive 40 bills on constitution amendment, set December 2025 deadline” Punch, available at: https://punchng.com/reps-receive-40-bills-on-constitution-amendment-set-december-2025-deadline/ (accessed 14 May 2024).
[11] African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights (“Banjul Charter”), 27 June 1981, CAB/LEG/67/3 rev. 5, 21 I.L.M. 58 (1982), available at: https://www.refworld.org/docid/3ae6b3630.html (accessed 3 June 2024).
[12] UNICEF: Nigeria, “UNICEF warns FGM on the rise among young Nigerian girls” available at: https://www.unicef.org/nigeria/press-releases/unicef-warns-fgm-rise-among-young-nigerian-girls (accessed 3 June 2024).
[13] Statista, “Child marriage in Nigeria between 2014 and 2020, by gender” available at: https://www.statista.com/statistics/1128822/child-marriage-in-nigeria-by-gender/ (accessed 3 June 2024).
[14] Economic Confidential, “Aishatu Binani: A Courageous Attempt to Break the Glass Ceiling” available at: https://economicconfidential.com/2022/06/aishatu-binani-courageous/ (accessed 3 June 2024).
[15] Arowolo Dare, and Folorunso S. Aluko., 2010 “Women and political participation in Nigeria.” European Journal of social sciences 14(4), pp. 581-593.
[16] Nwabunkeonye, U.P., “Challenges to women active participation in politics in Nigeria” (2014) Sociology and Anthropology, 2(7), pp.284-290.
[17] Abubakar. M. & Ahmed, Z.A., “Women and Political Participation: Toward Attainment of 35% Affirmative Action and Obstacles to the Women Participation in Nigerian Politics and Decision Making Process” (2014) Journal of Research in Humanities and Social Science, 2(9), pp. 65-71.
[18] Statista, “Literacy rate in Nigeria in 2018, by zone and gender” available at: https://www.statista.com/statistics/1124745/literacy-rate-in-nigeria-by-zone-and-gender/ (accessed 3 June 2024).
[19] The Conversation, “Three Reasons Why Jacinda Ardern’s Coronavirus Response Has Been A Masterclass In Crisis Leadership”, available at: https://theconversation.com/three-reasons-why-jacinda-arderns-coronavirus-response-has-been-a-masterclass-in-crisis-leadership-135541 (accessed 3 June 2024).
[20] EJS Center – Presidential Center for Women and Development, “Ellen Johnson Sirleaf: Women Are The Backbone Of Peace And Reconciliation” available at: https://ejscenter.org/ellen-johnson-sirleaf-women-are-the-backbone-of-peace-and-reconciliation/ (accessed 4 June 2024).
[21] Bangladesh Awami League, “HPM Sheikh Hasina to Strait Times: Myanmar should honor its promise on Rohingyas” available at: https://albd.org/articles/news/31601/HPM-Sheikh-Hasina-to-Strait-Times:-Myanmar-should-honour-its-promise-on-Rohingyas (accessed 4 June 2024).
[22] Vanguard Nigeria, “16 days of Activism against Gender Base Violence” available at: https://www.vanguardngr.com/2021/11/16-days-of-activism-cso-campaigns-against-gender-based-violence/ (accessed 4 June 2024).